Bulgaria freezes coal aid for EU ruling

The massive industrial complex grinds to a halt as it mines for approval.
Image composition · tobriefBulgaria cannot release budget funding for Mini Maritsa East, a major lignite-mining complex in southeastern Bulgaria, until the European Commission decides whether the support qualifies as legal state aid. The complex sits at the centre of the Stara Zagora region's economy, where coal has been the dominant employer for decades. The Commission's ruling will shape whether the money reaches workers, communities, or just keeps the mine open a few more months.
Why Sofia has to ask first
EU law treats some subsidies as state aid when public money gives one company or sector an unfair advantage over competitors. When that risk exists, the government must ask the Commission for approval before paying, and wait for an answer (Article 108 TFEU).
Bulgaria's problem is that its own request is split. The energy ministry has framed the support as tied to land reclamation. But the mine itself has been pushing for monthly aid to cover wages and current operating costs (Investor.bg). Those are two different asks, and Brussels will treat them very differently.
Payroll support vs. transition money
Money that keeps a business running day to day — wages, electricity, operating losses — is what EU rules call operating aid. For coal, this is the hardest kind to approve. It amounts to subsidising continued extraction, and the Commission's climate and energy aid guidelines say such support must be genuinely necessary, must change the company's behaviour, and must not exceed actual transition costs (CEEAG).
Money for severance, retraining, land restoration or new economic activity in coal regions is easier to defend. It supports the cost of leaving coal, not staying in it (Council Decision 2010/787/EU).
The label on the cheque determines who actually gets paid. If the money goes to the company's accounts, management and current employees benefit, but only until the next funding gap. If it reaches workers through severance or retraining, households get a bridge even as coal output falls. If it funds land cleanup, contractors and municipalities around Stara Zagora gain instead.
Bulgarian taxpayers foot the bill in every version. The risk is asymmetric: if Brussels later rules the spending illegal state aid, Sofia can be ordered to recover the money from the company. The government would have spent the funds, damaged its credibility with the Commission, and still left the mine without a plan.
What Germany's exit shows
Germany provides the clearest precedent. When Berlin compensated lignite operators for closing plants early, the Commission approved €2.6 billion for RWE and €1.75 billion for LEAG (European Commission). The key was how Germany divided the money. It split spending into three pots: operator compensation under the Coal Phase-out Act, structural support for affected regions, and worker-transition programmes (KVBG). That structure won Commission approval. Bulgaria has not shown comparable discipline.
Romania offers a warning. CE Oltenia, another lignite complex, reportedly sought to recover around 900 million lei from the state (Libertatea). The case became entangled with Romania's EU recovery fund commitments, compounding the pressure (Energynomics). Bulgaria faces a similar risk. Former deputy prime minister Atanas Pekanov warned that failing to deliver reforms could put around €1 billion at stake. That money is tied to EU transition funds and Bulgaria's Recovery and Resilience Plan, the EU's post-pandemic programme that links disbursements to reform commitments (Fakti).
What we still can't see
Bulgaria's formal request to the Commission has not been made public (Commission procedures). No one outside the case file can say what Sofia is proposing, how much money is involved, or what conditions it has offered.
The longer Bulgaria treats "money for the mines" as one undifferentiated promise, the harder the Commission's test becomes. Germany's lesson is practical: a coal package survives scrutiny when the state separates what goes to the company, what goes to workers, and what goes to the region. Sofia's test is whether it can draw those lines before the money runs out.
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