Magyar unblocks €6.6 billion in EU weapons funds

Three weeks after taking office, Péter Magyar did what Viktor Orbán refused to do for two years: he let other EU countries get paid back for arming Ukraine. On 1 June, Hungary's ambassador to the EU's Political and Security Committee (the Brussels body overseeing EU defence policy) signalled that Budapest would stop vetoing the European Peace Facility, the off-budget fund that reimburses member states for roughly 40% of weapons they donate to Ukraine from national stockpiles (Euromaidanpress, NewsUkraine). The immediate release: €6.6 billion frozen since 2024.

Magyar was explicit in Berlin that same day: "Hungary will send neither soldiers nor weapons to Ukraine" (Tagesschau). The EPF doesn't require that. It reimburses other countries — Germany, Poland, the Netherlands, Sweden — for weapons they already shipped. Orbán's veto didn't block arms to Ukraine. It blocked the cashback to allies who provided them.

The 72-Hour Deal That Nobody Called a Deal

Two days before the EPF announcement, the European Commission agreed to release €16.4 billion in cohesion and recovery funds (EU money for infrastructure and economic development) that had been frozen under Orbán over rule-of-law concerns (Euronews, Ara.cat). On 3 June, Magyar announced a deal with Ukraine on minority rights for roughly 100,000 ethnic Hungarians in Zakarpattia: language protections, Hungarian-language schooling, and administrative rights in communities where Hungarians exceed 10% of the population (HVG).

No official called it a package deal, but the pieces fell into place across 72 hours: Hungary unblocks the EPF, the Commission unblocks Hungary's money, and Ukraine offers minority concessions. Berlin endorsed immediately — Chancellor Merz called Magyar "an inspiration for all of Europe" (Tagesspiegel).

Magyar framed it domestically as competence: "In three weeks we achieved what Orbán couldn't in ten years." Fidesz attacked from the opposite direction, alleging hidden conditions and a "war tax" on Hungary (Origo). Neither framing acknowledges that lifting the EPF veto cost Hungary nothing financially. The fund reimburses other countries, not Budapest.

A Fund That Can't Cover Its Promises

The relief is real but thin. EU member states have submitted reimbursement claims totalling €43 billion for weapons donated to Ukraine (Eurointegration). The EPF reimburses roughly 40%, leaving about €26 billion uncovered. The fund's original envelope is nearly exhausted (Kyiv Independent).

Slovakia's defence minister Robert Kaliňák illustrated the gap. Bratislava expected €250 million for donating MiG-29 fighters and S-300 air defence systems. It will receive roughly a tenth (Topky.sk). Sweden, which has committed 21 support packages worth approximately 103 billion kronor, expects at least 60 billion kronor back but has received no timeline (Göteborgs-Posten).

The Veto Stays Loaded

The structural flaw that allowed one country to freeze billions for two years remains untouched. Every EPF disbursement requires unanimity among all 27 member states, a rule embedded in EU treaties for foreign and security policy. The next government that changes course can reproduce the same blockade overnight. Slovakia demonstrated the template in 2025, vetoing the 18th sanctions package six times before extracting energy guarantees from the Commission (Euronews).

The EU has bypassed unanimity for newer instruments, like the €90 billion Ukraine Support Loan, which simply opted dissenters out. But the EPF — the mechanism that actually pays countries back for weapons already sent — still runs on unanimity. The vulnerability is baked in.

Orbán's government has also filed a lawsuit at the EU's General Court challenging the legal workaround Brussels used to route frozen Russian asset profits through the EPF without Hungary's consent. Magyar has not confirmed whether he will withdraw the case. No journalist has pressed him on it. If the court sides with Budapest, it could retroactively invalidate billions in disbursements already made.