Hungary Drops Two-Year Ukraine Veto

EU accession is built to move slowly. Every checkpoint needs all 27 governments to agree, so a single capital can stop the convoy while the rest wait. For two years that capital was Budapest. In early June, Hungary's new prime minister, Péter Magyar, lifted the veto that had blocked Ukraine's membership talks. The road is open again, but several governments are already reaching for the brakes.

What Budapest's Deal Changes

Magyar came to power after Viktor Orbán's Fidesz lost its grip on Hungarian politics. Orbán had held up Ukraine's path since accession talks formally opened in June 2024 (Council). Magyar chose a reset with Kyiv.

Budapest and Kyiv announced a deal on the rights of ethnic Hungarians in Transcarpathia, the region in western Ukraine where language, education and cultural protections have long been politically sensitive (Euronews, n-tv). Ukraine had already passed Law No. 3504-IX, reforming its minorities regime and giving Magyar something tangible to show at home (Eurointegration).

With Hungary's objection gone, the EU scheduled an intergovernmental conference, the formal meeting where the EU and a candidate country open a negotiation stage. The first cluster covers rule of law and anti-corruption (Democrata).

That matters because Article 49 of the EU Treaty gives every member state a veto at the decisive stages of accession (EUR-Lex, European Parliament). Hungary had used that power for two years. Removing the veto lets the machinery move again.

There may have been another lever in play. In late May, the Commission unfroze €16.4 billion in cohesion funds for Hungary, money used to support poorer regions and narrow gaps inside the Union. Within days, Magyar lifted blocks on several EU files. Eurointegration noted the close timing. Whether the decision was driven by money, the minorities deal, or both has not been settled publicly.

Where the Next Brakes Sit

The accession process is divided into six thematic clusters. The European Commission, the EU's executive arm, assesses whether Ukraine meets the standards. But the real power sits with national governments: they decide when talks open, whether benchmarks have been met and when chapters can close (Commission). What looks technical on paper becomes a long series of political bargains.

At the end, every government must ratify the final treaty under its own constitutional rules. For Ireland, which knows the political weight of EU treaty votes better than most, that last stage is not a formality. It is where domestic politics can re-enter a process that officials may have spent years carefully negotiating.

Three groups of governments are already marking out their ground.

Farm subsidies and budgets. France, Poland and Spain are focused on what Ukrainian membership would do to the Common Agricultural Policy, the EU system that pays farm subsidies and rural development money. Without reform, CAP spending would rise by 22-25 per cent, making Ukraine the policy's main beneficiary, according to the Centre for European Reform (CER). For Polish and French farmers, this is about grain prices and subsidy flows on their own land.

Western Balkans fairness. Austria, Croatia and Greece are tying Ukraine's pace to countries that have been waiting much longer. Montenegro has been negotiating since 2012; North Macedonia has been a candidate since 2005 (Commission). Austria and Greece have pushed for equal treatment across all candidate tracks (Serbian Monitor). The argument is fair. It also slows the file.

Voting rules. Several member states question whether a Union of more than 30 members can work if any single country can veto major decisions. That links enlargement to institutional reform, creating another condition Ukraine must clear before it can join.

The Distance Still to Cover

Ukraine has completed legislative screening for three of its six clusters, according to the latest report from its parliament (Rada). The reform effort is real, especially in wartime. But Magyar has also floated a binding referendum on Ukraine's eventual membership, meaning Hungary's blocking power could return at ratification even if the negotiations themselves move smoothly.

Ukraine's accession path is open again in the narrow procedural sense. The EU has kept the promise of a finish line, while leaving every national brake exactly where it was.